Which 2003 Document Was Hayden Talking About?

I’d like to return to this post, in which I tried to figure out which 2003 OLC opinion approved–according to Michael Hayden–waterboarding.

Michael Hayden said something that confused me today on Fox News. When asked whether he thought waterboarding is torture, he replied simply that DOJ had said it was not.

Question: Are you satisfied that waterboarding is not torture?

HAYDEN: I’m satisfied that the Justice Department, in a series of opinions — ‘02, ‘03, ‘05 — said that it was not. Now…

See, we know that DOJ addressed waterboarding specifically in 2002 and 2005 in the memos released last week. 

But 2003?

We may well have found our answer in the IG Report. As I’ve been chronicling, John Yoo helped the Counterterrorism Center develop a "Legal Principles" document in 2003 that included waterboarding among permissible techniques. Scott Muller would claim Yoo’s involvement in the process constituted DOJ agreement with the principles espoused in the document. But in 2004, Jack Goldsmith asserted that the Legal Principles document, "did not and do not represent an opinion or a statement of the views" OLC. 

So it appears likely that Michael Hayden claimed that OLC had written an opinion on waterboarding that OLC claims does not constitute an opinion. If so, then the squabble between OLC and CIA over that document remains active (or at least did, as of earlier this year, when Hayden still headed the CIA).

But there’s another part of the earlier post I’d like to return to: a 2003 "secret memo" from the White House "explicitly endorsing" CIA’s use of torture.

Here’s the WaPo’s description of this 2003 memo, from last year when we were all trying to elect Barack Obama President. 

The Bush administration issued a pair of secret memos to the CIA in 2003 and 2004 that explicitly endorsed the agency’s use of interrogation techniques such as waterboarding against al-Qaeda suspects — documents prompted by worries among intelligence officials about a possible backlash if details of the program became public.

Now that we know of the "Legal Principles" document, I don’t think this is what Hayden referred to, since there was also a 2004 document and Hayden didn’t mention a 2004 OLC endorsement of torture (which is all the more remarkable, given that Daniel Levin did authorize the use of waterboarding in an August 2004 letter).

Why doesn’t this 2003 document–or at least mention of the White House’s formal endorsement of torture–appear in the IG Report? Granted, it might appear in one of the redacted sections, such as the redacted part of paragraph 25 (which starts, "The statutory basis for CIA’s involvement in detentions and interrogations is [redacted] the National Security Act of 1947"). I suspect at least some of the redacted bits describe the September 17, 2001 Finding that authorized the program as a whole; it might be logical to invoke the specific affirmation of torture that followed that Finding in the same section as it would presumably be related, legally.

But why doesn’t it appear in either of these two paragraphs, describing "Notice to and Consultation with Executive and Congressional Officials"?

In early 2003, CIA officials, at the urging of the General Counsel, continued to inform senior Administration officials and the leadershipof the Congressional Oversight Committees of the then-current status of the CTC Program. The Agency specifically wanted to ensure that these officials and the Committees continued to be aware of and approve CIA’s actions, The General Counsel recalls that he spoke and met with White House Counsel and others at the NSC, as well as DoJ’s Criminal Division and Office of Legal Counsel beginning in December 2002 and briefed them on the scope and breadth of the C’l’C’s Detention and Interrogation Program.

[snip]

On 29 July 2003, the DCI and the General Counsel provided a detailed briefing to selected NSC Principals on CIA’s detention and interrogation efforts involving "high value detainees," to include the expanded use of EITs.28 According to a Memorandum for the Record prepared by the General Counsel following that meeting, the Attorney General confirmed that DoJ approved of the expanded use of various EITs, including multiple applications of the waterboard.29 The General Counsel said he believes everyone in attendance was aware of exactly what CIA was doing with respect to detention and interrogation, and approved of the effort.

Tenet requested the written policy approval shortly after Bush, in a June 26 statement on the Convention Against Torture, said he supported "prosecuting all acts of torture." And Tenet got his written approval within days.

Tenet first pressed the White House for written approval in June 2003, during a meeting with members of the National Security Council, including Rice, the officials said. Days later, he got what he wanted: a brief memo conveying the administration’s approval for the CIA’s interrogation methods, the officials said. 

Which would mean Tenet briefed some of the same people involved in the July 29 briefing a month earlier. And then, a few days later, he got written approval for torture from the President. So this all happened about a month before the July 29 briefing that the IG Report mentions twice.

Yet the IG Report doesn’t mention it (at least not in the declassified sections) at all.

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33 replies
  1. rincewind says:

    Well, if Hayden was talking about DOJ legal opinions, he wouldn’t mean the White House policy statements, yes? This distinction between legality and policy may be why the WH memos aren’t discussed in the IG report too, noting that the AG “confirmed that DOJ approved” in the July meeting (by inference referring to the legal opinions). (I can’t open the IG report right now, the PDF keeps failing)

    Is it remotely possible that the IG never got to see the WH policy docs?

    • emptywheel says:

      Very possible that IG never got to see the WH policy docs. John Radsan–not one of the most complicit of OGC lawyers at the time–was involved in briefings. But there’s no reason to believe that OGC told OIG.

      But even assuming that–and putting aside this sentence:

      The statutory basis for CIA’s involvement in detentions and interrogations is [redacted] the National Security Act of 1947

      There’s still the June 2003 briefing that goes unmentioned, which I just find odd.

      • alabama says:

        We’ve learned from your work that these people are careless. They make elementary mistakes, dumb blunders. But they aren’t obviously stupid, they have experience with paper trails, and they aren’t always careless. They don’t take care, where torture is concerned, because they have no need to care (or so they clearly believe). They have long been convinced that the arm of the law is not nearly long enough to touch them. But for how long? When did this start?

        I’d date this particular flood of sloppiness from the days of Reagan and Casey–almost thirty years ago, spanning an entire generation of bureaucrats (always assuming, perhaps in error, that the Church Committee report caused a measure of nervousness among the folks involved in Operation Phoenix and the like). If so, it may take another thirty years–another generation–to make these people fear the law. This means that the generation born around 1980 will have apply constant pressure, such that the succeeding generation, born around 2010, will know how to function in lawful ways. Call it, in the best of circumstances, a turn-around time of sixty years. But this is not as long as it sounds: the civil rights movement took a century to gather steam, and the ACLU, of such importance to this particular project, was only founded in 1920.

    • skdadl says:

      That would be my question too. Are the IGs free to step on to WH territory? I remember that Fine (DoJ IG) was restricted to interviewing DoJ people, no one from WH, when he was investigating the prosecutor purge.

      • emptywheel says:

        Right, but we know OGC knew about it and OGC was a huge source for the IG Report.

        So the question is, did OGC tell IG about it, and it didn’t make the final cut either bc it wasn’t relevant (which I don’t buy) or bc Cheney nixed it, or did OGC not tell IG about it.

        I think both are quite possible. But both would be significant, IMO.

  2. rincewind says:

    oh geez, I forgot Cheney had last cut.

    Did Warrick/his sources actually say they were Presidential approvals, or Administration or White House? Did PapaDick do ‘em without telling W?

    ooops, forgot to ask; was this the same article that made a point of saying nobody could remember W being in either briefing?

    • Hmmm says:

      I typed it that way back during the PAA debates (MAN do I hate Augusts these days), and have liked it ever since…

  3. WilliamOckham says:

    In the original CIA Vaughn index from way back, there is a document (#130) dated June 21, 2003 that is described this way:

    This six-page document consists of three cover pages and a three page memoranda summarizing the results of a policy meeting of the Principals Com mittee of the National Security Council. The memorandum is addressed to senior Presidential advisors, including to the Counsel to the President and the President’s Chief of Staff.

    The custodian of the document is the CIA OIG, but I don’t think it shows up in the IG report, which focuses on the June 29th meeting. This couldn’t be the document Warrick refers to if it really came after the June 26th statement.

  4. orionATL says:

    triangles.

    i think of this matter as involving a triangle.

    – cheney wants to torture muslim “terrorists” – his motive for doing so is yet unclear.

    – cia is the govt org cheney wants to do the torturing.

    – cia demurs, and cheney feels the need to pressure doj to provide a “rational” that makes torture legal, a c-y-a for the cia that makes cia feel ok with stripping muslim prisoners down to their bare asses “legal” APPEARING.

    at the top of this triangle is cheney. the other two anchor points, cia and doj, are operated on by cheney.

    suppose the doj, like cia, was a reluctant institution. then cheney would have had to work to find a doj mole or two – maybe thru the federalist society.

    cheney, in my view, is a very intemperate person and a very willful person.
    he tends to make some very foolish decisions in business and government.

    i would be astonished if his mole(s) at doj wrote, or were encouraged to write, carefully crafted legal documents and follow established bureaucratic procedure.

    my guess would be that cheney wanted a doj opinion, however valid,

    to wave in front of reluctant cia officials.

    thus, it possible that the doj torture “authorizations” may not have been properly worked out following standard doj procedures for such important docs.

    what would be interesting would be to compare the path thru the doj bureaucracy for the torture memos with four or five other OLC opinions of great consequence made during the last several decades. b

  5. Jkat says:

    whew .. i thank all of y’all for sifting through this pile of happy horseshit .. i truly do ..

    keep up the fine work … the truth .. imo .. is bound to eventually win out ..

  6. powwow says:

    So it appears likely that Michael Hayden claimed that OLC had written an opinion on waterboarding that OLC claims does not constitute an opinion. If so, then the squabble between OLC and CIA over that document remains active (or at least did, as of earlier this year, when Hayden still headed the CIA).

    Which must be why that paragon of invisible virtue, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, in his infinite wisdom, just decided to appoint the said General Michael Hayden – unlamented ex-Director of the Bush NSA and CIA, where he repeatedly demonstrated that he’s an enemy of our Constitution and the truth – to a sensitive position of public trust and responsibility in our government.

    The Congressional Record for Tuesday, September 8, 2009:

    Mr. UDALL of Colorado. Mr. President, I understand appointments were made during adjournment of the Senate, and I ask unanimous consent they be printed in the Record.

    The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

    The appointments are as follows:

    On behalf of the majority leader, pursuant to Public Law 106-567, the Intelligence Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2001, to serve as a member of the Public Interest Declassification Board: Gen. Michael V. Hayden of Virginia.

    On behalf of the Republican Leader, pursuant to provisions of Public Law 110-343, as a member of the Congressional Oversight Panel: Mr. Paul S. Atkins of Virginia, vice John Sununu of New Hampshire.

    America’s SNAFU-ridden federal secrets bureaucracy needs the recent, vehement opponent of the court-forced declassification of 2004’s pivotal CIA IG Report – documenting an American policy of torture – to sit on a “public interest declassification” board for our edification, according to Harry Reid’s sober, considered opinion of how best to practice self-service. No doubt keeping the company of mobsters and silver-tongued lobbying liars has a tendency to rub off on one, after decades of constant and intimate contact.

    Feh.

    • Mary says:

      Unbelievable.

      Oh, wait. Harry Reid – who helped make sure the MCA passed and sent Dodd and Leahy off into the weeds when they tried to coordinate with him over it.

      @23 – it’s not like judges are making the decisions in vacuums either. The problem is that the prosecutorial mechanism, the DOJ, is corrupt and it won’t go after its own. There’s no real difference than having prosecutors bought off, when DOJ allows politics and personal relationships to exclude a subset of criminals – including criminals conspiring to the commission of violent crimes.

      @28 – why am I not surprised?

    • powwow says:

      Mea culpa.

      I believed what I read, and knew Reid was capable, after seeing him fawningly lavish praise on McCrystal (among others of that ilk), but I was in fact misinformed. At least, according to Wednesday’s Congressional Record:

      Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Record reflect that the appointment of GEN Michael Hayden to the Public Interest Declassification Board made during the adjournment of the Senate was made by the Republican leader rather than the majority leader.

      The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

      So please substitute Senate Minority Leader “Mitch McConnell” wherever Senate Majority Leader “Harry Reid” appears in my comment at 22.

      Sorry to pass the misinformation along. Apologies to all.

      On another note, with a remarkable lack of noticeable “waste” of floor time, the cloture vote on Cass Sunstein’s nomination [63-35, Wednesday, with Lincoln, Pryor and Webb voting No, and Lieberman, Collins, Hatch, Gregg, Lugar, Snowe & Voinovich voting Yes], followed by the vote to confirm – due Thursday night, at the latest – quickly flew through the Senate this week (Reid filed a cloture motion on Sunstein’s nomination just before the recess).

  7. rkilowatt says:

    re reliance on secret OLC opinions and attorney-client situations. Seems Bush/Cheney modus op. is contageous…like insanity:

    Judge Rakin in current Bank Of America/SEC case states:

    http://www.zerohedge.com/artic…..-sec-bidet
    “This is puzzling. If the responsible officers of Bank of America, in sworn testimony to the SEC, all stated that “they relied entirely on counsel,” this would seem to be either a flat waiver of privilege or, if privilege is maintained, then entitled to no weight whatever, since the statement cannot be tested. In asserting that no waiver occurred, the SEC cites just one case, John Does Co. v. United States[,] which, on first reading at least seems hardly to support such a broad assertion applicable to the fact here.”
    Continuing Judge Rakoff:
    “If the SEC is right in this assertion, it would seem that all a corporate officer who has produced a false proxy statement need offer by way of defense is that he or she relied on counsel, and, if the company does not waive the privilege, the assertion will never be tested, and the culpability of both the corporate officer and the company counsel will remain beyond scrutiny.”
    And the punchline:
    “This seems so at war with common sense that the Court will need to be shown more than a single, distinguishable case to be convinced that it is, indeed, the law. It also leaves open the question of whether, if it was actually the lawyers who made the decisions that resulted in a false proxy statement, they should be held legally responsible.”

    • Mary says:

      If you hadn’t seen it already, rmadelson had a good comment in a thread below
      http://emptywheel.firedoglake……ent-188499

      He put it very nicely – that much of what Holder et al are trying to do, trying to pull off in the torture cases, is to arbitrarily take a political defense and try layering it over a real defense (that exists, but for which the defendants can’t meet the standards) and how, if ANYTHING ends up in real litigation, it just isn’t going to work – courts don’t easily (these days, who knows) buy into the made up defense that doesn’t have a model instruction and/or a solid case law grounding.

      The different setting of your case applies to the same general concept – when they start trying to have selective waivers and good faith arguments that can’t work (nmvoiceofreason made the observation about attys involved in the crimes – as with the attys drafting the proxies – not being able to be used as a reliance source).

      In addition to all being a huge abuse of office, and propagating even more of a culture of corruption, cronyism and politicized prosecutions and even more politicized non-prosecutions (with conspiracies to run out statutes while evidence is destroyed) – the whole thing falls apart if anything gets to a court (as bmaz has pointed out over and over).

  8. WilliamOckham says:

    The other way to interpret Hayden’s statement is to assume he was talking about the OLC’s memo for the DOD in March 2003. Hayden was still in the DOD at that time. Although the memo doesn’t specifically mention waterboarding, it arguably authorizes that and anything else.

    • emptywheel says:

      The reason I don’t–and I thought about it–is because, again, you’d have 2004 listed as well, bc the Levin memo arguably authorizes waterboarding as well.

      By specifying 2005 and not 2004, Hayden appears to be specifying those memos that specifically name waterboarding.

  9. tryggth says:

    Off topic a bit…

    I’m wondering (now that our friend SKIMPY has been clearing his or her throat) whether there was a JSOC instructing Military Order parallel to the civilian CIA institution authorizations. From the linked article I’m guessing no. But it seems such an obvious route to go for the unitary executive – I’m just left puzzled.

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