CIA’s Drone Lies and Congressional Oversight

Remember when House Intelligence Chair Mike Rogers said that public reports of civilian drone casualties are wildly wrong?

“I think that you would be shocked and stunned how wrong those public reports are about civilian casualties,” Rogers said on the House floor.

“Those reports are wrong. They are not just wrong, they are wildly wrong. And I do believe that people use those reports for their own political purposes outside of the country to try to put pressure on the United States,” Rogers said.

Remember when Senate Intelligence Chair Dianne Feinstein said that civilian casualties have been in the single digits (and then went on to admit that she didn’t know about the “military aged male” standard)?

I’ve also been attempting to speak publicly about the very low number of civilian casualties that result from such strikes. I’ve been limited in my ability to do so. But for the past several years, this committee has done significant oversight of the government’s conduct of targeted strikes, and the figures we have obtained from the executive branch, which we have done our utmost to verify, confirm that the number of civilian casualties that have resulted from such strikes each year has typically been in the single digits.

These statements from members of the Gang of Four who have gotten the most unfettered sharing of intelligence on the drone strikes are why Jonathan Landay’s reports on what CIA’s own reporting shows are so important.

As I noted, Landay’s confirmation that CIA self-reported only one civillian casualty in the 12 months before September 2011 make it clear that CIA did not count any of the 40-something dead killed on May 17, 2011 at Datta Khel as civilian casualties.

At least 265 of up to 482 people who the U.S. intelligence reports estimated the CIA killed during a 12-month period ending in September 2011 were not senior al Qaida leaders but instead were “assessed” as Afghan, Pakistani and unknown extremists. Drones killed only six top al Qaida leaders in those months, according to news media accounts.

Forty-three of 95 drone strikes reviewed for that period hit groups other than al Qaida, including the Haqqani network, several Pakistani Taliban factions and the unidentified individuals described only as “foreign fighters” and “other militants.”

During the same period, the reports estimated there was a single civilian casualty, an individual killed in an April 22, 2011, strike in North Waziristan, the main sanctuary for militant groups in Pakistan’s tribal areas.

CIA reported no civilian casualties at Datta Khel even in spite of Mark Mazzetti’s report that “many American officials believed that the strike was botched, and that dozens of people died who shouldn’t have.”

Nor did the CIA count any of the (by my count) 51-176 civilian casualties reported by The Bureau on Independent Journalism for that period (2010; 2011; note, I counted September 1 to September 1).

In short, these reports prove that the CIA — and the intelligence community generally, given that these are described as US intelligence reports — are doing precisely what they did with the torture program: “repeatedly provid[ing] inaccurate information” to Congress.

Nevertheless, even as DiFi, at least, was seeing volumes and volumes of evidence that CIA had lied to Congress about torture in the very recent past, Gang of Four member staffers apparently didn’t read the public reporting on drones closely enough to realize that that public reporting was more credible than CIA reporting.

As a result, in spite of all the boasts of close oversight, CIA’s lies have turned the Gang of Four into propagandists for a program that they’re less well-informed about than many outside observers.

The intelligence oversight committees have become a classic case of Garbage In, Garbage Out, not only defying the entire point of oversight, but serving instead as a legally protected source of propaganda.

As we discuss releasing the torture report, we should also be discussing the larger issue of how CIA has perverted the only oversight structure it has. Because it has clearly become a pattern.

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7 Responses to CIA’s Drone Lies and Congressional Oversight

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Emptywheel Twitterverse
emptywheel @iPadMTG Yes, but at times the family does weigh in both on donation and when organs will be harvested. @LDoren
27sreplyretweetfavorite
emptywheel @LDoren Yes. But you're the one limiting her choice to make medical decisions, not me.
2mreplyretweetfavorite
emptywheel @LDoren Mind you, in many cases, such a choice might make it impossible to donate the organs.
5mreplyretweetfavorite
emptywheel @LDoren So if a fetus ends up killing the woman in that situation is it cool for her to donate her organs?
6mreplyretweetfavorite
emptywheel @LDoren A medical decision made for medical reasons? Is "death" voluntary in your list of voluntary things that are mere "choices"?
10mreplyretweetfavorite
emptywheel @LDoren So, yes, you are applying a non-medical term to a medical procedure, one which very often involves doctor's recommendations?
14mreplyretweetfavorite
emptywheel @LDoren You know in medicine "elective" is reserved to operations that aren't necessary for health? Like knee replacement. This like that?
17mreplyretweetfavorite
emptywheel @LDoren I'm hoping you can think about where your notion of the kinds of "choices" being made for late term abortions come from.
21mreplyretweetfavorite
emptywheel @LDoren So you don't know? Know anyone who has had to get one? (Emphasis on "had")
24mreplyretweetfavorite
emptywheel @LDoren "By choice." what is your understanding of why most late terms happen?
31mreplyretweetfavorite
emptywheel @LDoren So mom's have MORE guardian authority over babies than they do over fetuses?
35mreplyretweetfavorite
emptywheel @LDoren But if same mom's kid dies (or was always nonviable, another common late term issue), then it's okay for her to choose to donate?
37mreplyretweetfavorite
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