The DOD/State Talking Point

This is the post I’ve been promising for weeks, in which I will speculate wildly as to the source of Cheney’s knowledge about Plame’s role at CPD and in her husband’s trip. Here’s the argument, in brief:

  • Cheney learns during the week of June 9 that "Defense and State expressed a strong interestin the Niger intelligence"
  • At a time when Cheney presumably already knew that information, he tried to get CIA to repeat it in such a way that it could be published
  • This suggests he could not use his original source for that information (either because the source refused to publish that information or because he wanted to hide the source itself)
  • One possible explanation (this is speculation, mind you) is that Cheney saw Valerie Wilson’s emails leading up to Wilson’s trip to Niger–which would have informed him of key information–and would have made it clear that Valerie’s identity was protected
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House Intelligence Committee Stonewalling

During the book salon chat on The Wrong Stuff yesterday, we discussed the House Intelligence Committee report on how Duke Cunningham managed to scam so much money for his friends. Lo and behold, the LAT has a long article on it today (hat tip Kentucky Jelly). The report, though, is pretty disappointing. If Congressional Intelligence Committees are good at one thing, after all, it is scoping investigations to hide the dirt.

The report’s principal author said in an interview that the terms underwhich he was hired to conduct the investigation prevented him fromexamining lawmakers’ roles.

"There was an agreement as to what they wanted to look at, and that wasnot anything that could be looked at under the sun," said MichaelStern, a former attorney in the House counsel’s office who was hired bythe committee to lead the internal probe. "The language did not includethe culpability or potential involvement of other members."

Stern said that the full, 59-page report he prepared a year ago wasclassified, but that he also provided the committee a 23-page versionthat had been scrubbed of classified material. The Times obtained thedeclassified version.

Nevertheless, Pete Hoekstra throws a fit every time we get close to declassifying the complete report.

Congressional sources said Reyes and other Democrats had initiallyvoted to let other members of Congress see the document, but reversedcourse after a fierce protest by the panel’s ranking GOP member, PeterHoekstra of Michigan.

Who uses lizard logic to claim the report shows nothing of interest:

Jamal Ware, a spokesman for Hoekstra, stressed that the investigationfound no wrongdoing by staffers or other members, and said the findingswere never intended to be released.

After all, if the report was scoped to exclude any inquiry into members roles, then it’s not surprising that the report found no wrongdoing by staffers or other members, right?

Of all lawmakers, though, it seems clear the report stayed furthest away from Peter Goss’ role.

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No Oversight

Remember when I pointed out that the real story of those civil liberties violations that Gonzales didn’t admit to was the role of the Intelligence Oversight Board? Well, I was right:

An independent oversight board created to identify intelligence abuses after the CIAscandals of the 1970s did not send any reports to the attorney generalof legal violations during the first 5 1/2 years of the Bushadministration’s counterterrorism effort, the Justice Department has told Congress.

Although the FBItold the board of a few hundred legal or rules violations by its ownagents after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, the board did not identifywhich of them were indeed legal violations. This spring, it forwardedreports of violations in 2006, officials said.

The President’s Intelligence Oversight Board — the principal civilianwatchdog of the intelligence community — is obligated under a26-year-old executive order to tell the attorney general and thepresident about any intelligence activities it believes "may beunlawful." The board was vacant for the first two years of the Bushadministration. [my emphasis]

Basically, this article reveals that Bush didn’t have an Intelligence Oversight Board for the first two years of his Administration. Afterwards, it simply didn’t report violations to the Attorney General, though the FBI admits there were violations. And I presume, since the article makes clear (as I suggested) that Bush’s IOB a part of his PFIAB, then IOB stopped meeting classification guidelines in the year that IOB started doing it’s job, kind of. Which is another way of saying that, either Bush didn’t have a functional IOB, or if he did, he permitted it to play the same classification games he permitted Dick Cheney.

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Rove and Nixon and Anne Armstrong and the Work Yet to Be Done

I did a post last year, not long after Dick Cheney shot an old man in the face, tracing the ties between the Armstrong family and Republican corruption. I showed how Anne Armstrong has been present at all the big-name Republican scandals going back to Watergate.

Anne Armstrong Event Associated Republican Scandal
1971-1973 RNC Co-Chair Watergate
1973-1974 Cabinet-level Counselor to Nixon and Ford Watergate
1976-1977 Ambassador to the UK Â
1980 Reagan-Bush Campaign Co-Chair October Surprise
1977-2000 Board Member, Halliburton Cheney commissions KBR to studyprivatization of military contracts (1991); Cheney named CEO Halliburton (1995)
1981-1990 Chair, Foreign IntelligenceAdvisory Board Iran-Contra
1981 Â Armstrongs fund Karl Rove + Company
1997 Texas A&M Regent George HW Bush Library opens atTAMU, 1997

(Later in the same post, I showed how Anne’s daughter Katharine, always seems to be present when Bush is pitching an illegal war.)

That post focused primarily on the long-term connections between Cheney and the Armstrong family, right through the days when Cheney launched Halliburton’s KBR unit onto the military gravy train. But the post noted, too, that the Armstrongs have been equally tight with Karl Rove over the years.

And apparently, one of the finds from the recently-released Nixon materials shows how far back this relationship goes.

Tucked away inside 78,000 pages of documents from the Nixon administration, released by the National Archives earlier this week, is a little gem: a strategy memorandum from the man who would go on to become the architect of President Bush’s rise to political power.

Mr. Rove, then a 22-year-old aide on Capitol Hill, was planning a run to become chairman of the College Republicans, a position he would ultimately win twice. So he wrote to Anne Armstrong, then counselor to Nixon. Mrs. Armstrong had been co-chairman of the Republican National Committee, and therefore Mr. Rove’s ultimate boss the previous year when he was executive director of the college group.

In the memorandum, he thanked her for “taking time out of your busy schedule” to talk with him, and offered up his musings — in the form of a nine-page typed outline — on how to strengthen the Republican Party by motivating students.

“Appreciate anything you might be able to do for me,” he wrote, on simple stationery with only his name, Karl C. Rove, at the top. “I have taken the liberty of enclosing the rough outline of my platform. Of special interest is the ‘New Federalism Advocates’ mentioned in the campaign section.”

The memo is, as Stollberg notes, a strategy document detailing the ways in which College Republicans can support larger RNC campaign efforts. But it also a strategy document laying out several initiatives–things that reek of Grover Norquist and wingnut welfare–that have been the key to recent Republican success. Rove talks about:

  • Professionalizing the College Republicans and earning legitimacy within the GOP
  • Requiring all Republicans to adopt “New Federalism” that advocates
    • Decentralization of Federal power
    • Limitation of federal power
    • Challenging the “proper role” of government
  • Developing Republican spokesmen within the academic community
  • Developing a “talent bank” to put on workshops within the academic community
  • Mobilizing college Republicans in “state legislature” schools to focus on state races
  • Providing training in “practical politics” (precinct training)
  • Developing materials to be distributed in college PoliSci classes to “place GOP oriented materials into student hands”

The memo lays out many initiatives that would professionalize the College Republicans and would spread wingnut welfare to campus efforts.

The memo is instructive not just because it traces Rove’s ties to Texas’ big money back over 30 years. A lot of these are things the Democrats still haven’t implemented. This is what it takes, folks.

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Fitzgerald: Not a Runaway Prosecutor, Explained Simply

I wanted to elaborate on the Armitage post I did earlier, showing that (contrary to the wails of the Libby Lobby), Fitzgerald did not pursue Libby while ignoring the Novak leak. In addition to the inconsistencies in Armitage’s Novak story, in fall 2004, there remained inconsistencies in the Rove Novak story and–I would submit–the Libby Novak story.

As I explained earlier, in August 2004, Fitzgerald had identified the following inconsistencies in Armitage’s Novak story:

Novak and Armitage agree on several importantfacts, such as the time, date and place of the meeting during which theconversation took place, and the fact that Wilson’s wife and employment by theCIA was disclosed to Novak by Armitage in response to a question by novak as towhy the CIA had sent Wilson on the trip. Their testimony diverges as to whetherArmitage provided the first name of Ms. Plame, though both agree the last name,“Plame” was not provided. Novak recalls being told by Armitage that Wilson’swife worked in the area of weapons of mass destruction –[redacted] Armitagedoes not recall discussing the area in which Wilson’s wife worked. Novak andArmitage give differing accounts of other materials not germane to the instantmotion. The investigation of Armitage’s conduct is ongoing. [my emphasis]

There’s one more that was not yet identified, too:

Armitage testified that he did not recalldiscussing Wilson’s wife’s employment with any reporter other than Novak priorto July 14,2003, and specifically denied any recollection of discussing thematter with Cooper or any of his Time colleagues.

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Reggie’s Going to Smile

If the hapless Democratic Congress ever gets around to an investigation through which they can ask Reggie to turn over the CIA Leak case grand jury materials.

But for now, I’d say he’s still cranky, wouldn’t you?

In commuting the defendant’sthirty-month term of incarceration, the President stated that thesentence imposed by this Court was “excessive” and that two years ofsupervised release and a $250,000 alone are a “harsh punishment” for anindividual convicted on multiple counts of perjury, obstruction ofjustice, and making false statements to federal investigators. Althoughit is certainly the President’s prerogative to justify the exercise ofhis constitutional commutation power in whatever manner he chooses (oreven to decline to provide a reason for his actions altogether), theCourt notes that the term of incarceration imposed in this case wasdetermined after a careful consideration of each of the requitestatutory factors, and was consistent with the bottom end of theapplicable sentencing range as properly calculated under the UnitedStats Sentencing Guidelines.

Indeed, onlyrecently the President’s Attorney General called for the passage oflegislation to “restore the binding nature of the sentencing guidelinesso that the bottom of the recommended sentencing range would be aminimum for judges, not merely a suggestion,” a stance that is fullyconsonant with the policies of this Administration as a whole. Inlight of these considerations, and given the indisputable importance of“provid[ing] certainty and fairness in sentencing . . . [and]avoid[ing] unwarranted sentencing disparities,” it is fair to say thatthe Court is somewhat perplexed as to how its sentence could beaccurately be characterized as “excessive.”[my emphasis]

In the meantime, I’m not holding my breath on the hapless Congress.

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Why the Libby Lobby Story about Armitage Is False

Let’s pretend, for a second that all the other reasons why the cries of "runaway prosecutor" from the Libby Lobby don’t exist. Set aside the fact that the FBI and then Fitzgerald were investigating all leaks of Valerie Wilson’s identity, not just those to Robert Novak. Set aside the fact that the 1X2X6 story (as well as the clear evidence of at least three leaks by October 12, 2003) didn’t have the FBI looking for more than one leaker.

The claim that Fitzgerald should not have investigated beyond the the day when, on October 1, 2003, Armitage identified himself as the first source to Novak would still be wrong.

That’s because there were clear discrepancies between Armitage’s and Novak’s stories. And Fitzgerald was actively investigating Armitage and Novak at least until September of 2004. The FBI couldn’t close up shop on October 1, 2003, and Fitzgerald didn’t close up shop on December 30, 2003, because it was still trying to determine whether Armitage had leaked Valerie Wilson’s identity to Novak intentionally for at least nine more months.

The newly unsealed portions of the affidavits Fitzgerald wrote in pursuit of Judy Miller’s and Matt Cooper’s testimony make this clear (I’m getting these scanned–I should have links to them in the next day or so). In the Miller affidavit, Fitzgerald lays out some of the discrepancies:

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Executive Privilege, RNC Style

The NYT reports that Sara Taylor will come before the SJC today and testify about some things.

Sara Taylor, the former White House political director, has agreed toanswer some questions as a “willing and cooperative private citizen,”during testimony about the United States attorney firings last yearwhen she appears before the Senate Judiciary Committee later today.

But, as a former presidential adviser, she will also honor thepresident’s invocation of executive privilege to keep quiet about“White House consideration, deliberations, or communications, whetherinternal or external, relating to the possible dismissal or appointmentof United States attorneys,”according to a written copy of her opening statement provided by herlawyer’s office. Those parameters were set forth in a letter to Ms.Taylor’s attorney, W. Neil Eggleston, from the White House counsel,Fred F. Fielding.

Now, seeing as how the defining character of human beings is our ability to communicate, I don’t see how, if Sara Taylor refuses to testify about "communications, whether internal or external," we’re going to get much information. This news seems to support Kagro X’s argument–that they’re trying to muddy the waters about where contempt of Congress starts.

Though the power of the various subspecies of executive privilege to prevent witnesses — especially former WhiteHouse officials — from testifying is Read more

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No More $$ to Shred our Constitution

Now that I’m in DC, I’m thinking maybe I’ll just stay here until the impeachment. Because things are getting fun. As in, no more taxpayer dollars to help Cheney shred our Constitution.

Senate Democrats movedTuesday to cut off funding for Vice President Dick Cheney’s office in acontinuing battle over whether he must comply with national securitydisclosure rules.

A Senateappropriations panel chaired by Sen. Richard Durbin, D-Ill., refused tofund $4.8 million in the vice president’s budget until Cheney’s officecomplies with parts of an executive order governing its handling ofclassified information.

At issueis a requirement that executive branch offices provide data on how muchmaterial they classify and declassify. That information is to beprovided to the Information Security Oversight Office at The NationalArchives.

Tomorrow at 10 Sara Taylor will say, over and over, "I can’t reveal that," because it is protected by Executive Privilege (not sure I can make this hearing–we shall see). Then at noon, it’s time for Victor Rita’s lawyer to explain about how SCOTUS thinks 33 months for perjury is reasonable. And then the following day, it’s Miers’ turn to repeat, "I can’t reveal that," over and over again.

And all the while Cheney will be wondering how he can fund his ongoing plan Read more

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“I Don’t Know Enough About It”

So says Pete Domenici, when asked by Andrea Mitchell whether he would testify before Congress if asked. ThinkProgress points out that a conversation between Rove and Domenici closely preceded David Iglesias’ firing. But I’ll go further, and raise this report.

In the spring of 2006, Domenici told Gonzales he wanted Iglesias out.

Gonzales refused. He told Domenici he would fire Iglesias only on orders from the president.

At some point after the election last Nov. 6, Domenici called Bush’ssenior political adviser, Karl Rove, and told him he wanted Iglesiasout and asked Rove to take his request directly to the president.

Domenici and Bush subsequently had a telephone conversation about the issue.

The conversation between Bush and Domenici occurred sometime after theelection but before the firings of Iglesias and six other U.S.attorneys were announced on Dec. 7.

Iglesias’ name first showed up on a Nov. 15 list of federal prosecutorswho would be asked to resign. It was not on a similar list prepared inOctober.

Lucky for Domenici that Andrea Mitchell is a beltway-sucking simp. Because rather than say, "In fact, Senator Domenici, you apparently do know about it–and your conversation with Bush is the one thing that most implicates executive privilege in this case,  as it is the Read more

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